The Bible in Its Traditions

James 5:16a

Context

Biblical Intertextuality

16c Greatly prevails the prayer of a righteous [man when it is] at work Belief that God Hears the Righteous James seems to assume that the righteous person's (G: dikaios) prayer is effective in that God hears it. Cf. Prv 15:29 "The Lord is far from the wicked, but hears the prayer of the just (M: ṣaddîqîm; G: dikaioi)."

Peritestamental Literature

16a Confess the failings to one another Confession of Sins at Qumran

  • 1QS 1.22–25 “And the levites shall recite the iniquities of the children of Israel…[And al]l those who enter the covenant shall confess after them and they shall say: 'We have acted sinfully, we have [trans]gressed…'” (DSSSE 1:70–71).

Reception

Liturgies

10–20 Use in Lectionary

  • BL: Special and General Feasts: Prophets; one of three reading options.

13–20 Use in Lectionary

16–20 Use in Lectionary

  • RML (1570): Rogation Days (Monday and Wednesday before Ascension).

Text

Vocabulary

16a failings Synonym of Sin The cognate verb para + piptô means "to fall beside," "to miss." The noun paraptôma means "lapse," "misdeed." In the context of classical Greek, the noun refers to literary faults. The noun appears in parallel to hamartia "sin" in Rom 5:20 and Eph 2:1, where both are described as deadly. 

16b healed Physically and Innerly The Greek is iaomai.

  • The primary denotation is physical healing: e.g., Lk 7:7; Acts 9:34; cf. Plato Charm. 156b, which refers to curing (iasthai) the eyes (Lamb 1927, 18–19).
  • It can also be applied to the healing / forgiveness of sins: G-Is 53:5 "by his wounds we are healed."

Literary Devices

13–18 Isotopy of Prayer Every verse in this passage refers to prayer; however, the words used are not simple synonyms.

  • The noun euchê ("prayer," v. 15a) and the corresponding verb euchomai ("to pray," v. 16b) are generic terms.
  • The verb expressing the prayer of petition is proseuchomai (v. 13a, 14b, 17b, 18a) or proseuchê (v. 17b).
  • More concretely, the noun deêsis (v. 16c) stands for a supplication or a particular request.
  • As for psallô ("to chant," v. 13b), it applies to prayer in the form of a hymn (Vocabulary Jas 5:13b), in particular in the liturgical context.

Context

Biblical Intertextuality

13–20 Connection between Healing and Conversion Several biblical passages evince the connection between healing (Jas 5:14–16) and conversion from sin (Jas 5:19–20):

  • G-Dt 30:2–3 "And return (epistrephô) to the Lord your God and obey his voice in all that I command you today…and the Lord will heal (iaomai) your sins."
  • 2Chr 7:14 "if then my people…turn (M: šwb; G: apostrephô) from their evil ways, then I will hear from heaven, and will forgive their sin and heal (G: iaomai; M = rp’) their land."
  • Is 6:10 "they turn (M: šwb; G: epistrephô) and be healed (M: rp’; G: iaomai)."
  • Jer 3:22 "Return (M: šwb; G: epistrephô), rebellious children! I will heal (M: rp’; G: iaomai) your rebellions."
  • Hos 6:1 "Come, let us return (M: šwb; G: epistrephô) to the Lord, For it is he who has torn, but he will heal (M: rp’; G: iaomai) us" (NAB).
  • See also Prv 3:7; Ez 34:4,16.

Text

Textual Criticism

16a Confess : Byz TR | Nes: Confess, then Nes (א B A C) retains oun ("then") after “Confess."

Grammar

16a Confess, then Association of Confession with Healing and Forgiveness By using the particle oun to link mutual confession and prayer (v. 16) with the reference to healing and forgiveness in v. 15, James may imply that confession and harmony in the community are required before God will answer the prayer of healing. This connection here is similar to that made in the petition of the Lord's prayer, "Forgive us our debts, as we forgive our debtors" (Mt 6:12).

Context

Biblical Intertextuality

16a Confess the failings to one another Confession of Sin in Scripture Confession of sin took place in a variety of contexts.

Old Testament

  • Sin were confessed when offering a sacrifice (Lv 5:1–6).
  • A sin committed against another had to be confessed: Nm 5:6–7 "If a man or a woman commits any offense against another person…that person shall confess (M: hitpa‘al of ydh; G: exagoreuô) the wrong that has been done..."
  • The high priest confesses the sins of the people on the Day of Atonement (Lv 16:21: the high priest Aaron).
  • Confession to the Lord is necessary for healing: Ps 32:3–5 (G-Ps 31:3–5) “Because I kept silent, my bones wasted away…Then I declared (M: hip‘il of ydh; G: gnôrizô) my sin to you…and you took away the guilt of my sin."

New Testament

  • The Gospel traditions record the tradition of public confession of sins as part of John's baptism (Mt 3:6).
  • 1Jn 1:9 links confession and forgiveness of sin without specifying a context: "If we confess (homolegeô) our sins (hamartias) he is faithful and just, and will forgive our sins."

Ancient Texts

16c Greatly prevails the prayer of a righteous [man] Asking for the Intercession of the Righteous

  • P. Neph. 1.12–16: A 4th-century Alexandrian couple may allude to this text when asking monks to pray for their health (holoklêria). "For we believe that the Lord will hear you since you are righteous (dikaioi)."

Peritestamental Literature

16c the prayer of a righteous [man] The Effective Prayers of Jacob for Healing The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs portray the prayers of Jacob as effective in saving his sons from deadly illnesses sent by God as punishment for their sins:

  • T. Reub. 1.7 "if my father, Jacob, had not prayed to the Lord on my behalf (peri emou), the Lord would have destroyed me" (OTP 1:782; de Jonge 1978, 2); similarly T. Gad 5.9.

Reception

Christian Tradition

13–20 Connection between Conversion and Healing As part of the generally assumed connection between illness and sin, conversion and health, many texts parallel James in linking healing (Jas 5:14–16) with references to repentance or conversion from sin (Jas 5:19–20).

  • Test. Dom. 1.24 (prayer over the oil for healing): “send on this oil (mšḥ’), which is the type of your fatness, the delivering [power] of your good compassion, that it may deliver those who labour and heal those who are sick, and sanctify those who return (mtpnyn), when they approach to your faith; for you are mightily and [to be] praised for ever and ever" (Cooper and MacLean 1902, 78; Rahmani 1899, 48)
  • Polycarp Phil. 6.1 identifies caring for the sick (episkeptomenoi pantas astheneis) and "turning back those who have gone astray (epistrephontes ta apopeplanêmena)" as duties of the presbyters (presbuteroi; Ehrman 2003, 1:340–341).

The language of physical healing can be used to describe repentance and conversion:

  • Const. ap. 2.14.11 "Now we ought to assist those who are with us (variant reading: 'those who are sick') and are in danger, and fall, and, as far as lies in our power, to reduce them to sobriety by our exhortations, and so save them from death (hugiazein autous kai ruesthai ek thanatou)" (ANF 7:401; von Funk 1905, 1:55).

13–18 Parallel with 1 Clement Several themes and some specific vocabulary occurring in Jas 5 appears in a prayer recorded in 1 Clem. 59.4 (Ehrman 2003, 1:142–143):

  • "Save (sôᵢzô) those of us who are in affliction" (cf. Jas 5:15a: sôᵢzô);
  • "raise (egeirô) those who have fallen" (cf. Jas 5:15b: egeirô);
  • "heal (iaomai) those who are sick (astheneis)" (cf. Jas 5:14a: astheneô; Jas 5:16b: iaomai);
  • "set straight (epistrephô) those among your people who are going astray (planaô)" (cf. Jas 5:19: planaô, epistrephô);
  • "raise up (anistêmi) the weak (astheneis)" (cf. Jas 5:14a: astheneô; Jas 5:15b: egeirô).

Some scholars posit that 1 Clement is dependent on James, but the relationship may also be seen as a common reliance on early Christian vocabulary and concerns.

Text

Textual Criticism

16a sins Differing Terms for "sins" Nes (א B A) have tas hamartias, usually rendered in English as "sins." Some minuscules (e.g., 307, 442), Byz, and thus the TR read ta paraptômata, traditionally rendered in English as "trespasses." See comments of Erasmus at Christian Tradition Jas 5:16a.

Suggestions for Reading

13–18 Exhortations on Prayer, Proper Speech, and Physical and Spiritual Healing The passage focuses on prayer (Literary Devices Jas 5:13–18). After warning the reader that he must ask God in faith, not doubting (Jas 1:5–8), and that he must not ask wrongly (Jas 4:2–3), James here gives examples of proper, effective prayer.

The passage also relates to James' concern with proper speech: after giving many admonitions against improper speech (e.g., Jas 5:9,12), James here gives example of the proper use of speech in praying and singing. See also →Speech in James.

The passage presents a holistic view of illness and healing: here, these two elements are closely associated: physical illness and “spiritual illness” (sin) on the one hand, and physical healing and forgiveness of sin on the other, are closely linked. There is also a strong link between understanding the anointing ritual as providing healing (both spiritual and physical) in this life, and understanding the anointing and prayer as preparation for ultimate healing in the resurrection and eternal life. This holistic emphasis reflects the theme of wholeness and integrity found throughout the letter. See further →Perfection / Wholeness in James.

Catholic tradition has drawn out the meaning of Jas 5:14–15 in various ways, primarily through the development of the teaching on the sacrament of the anointing of the sick. The tradition has at various times emphasized the different aspects of James’ integral vision: spiritual healing (Origen, John Chrysostom, Council of Trent), physical healing (an early tradition of anointing among the laity, Vatican II’s emphasis on a broader understanding of healing), and the eschatological dimension (the traditional emphasis on “extreme unction” as preparation for eternal life). See also Christian Tradition Jas 5:14fTheology Jas 5:14f.

This section, and the letter, ends with James' exhortation to community members to turn back a straying fellow-believer (Jas 5:19–20). James thus reiterates his characteristic concern for harmony within the community. The history of interpretation generally interpreted the ambiguous passage to mean that a person who converted another from sin would in turn receive pardon of his own sins; this took its place in a traditional list of ways in which one could seek pardon for sins. See also Christian Tradition Jas 5:20c.

Reception

Christian Tradition

16a Confess the failings to one another Confessing to Priests or Laity? The tradition is divided on whether James refers to confessing sins to priests or to laypeople.

Confession to a Priest

  • Peter Lombard Sent. 4.17.3(94).1 "But that it is necessary to confess to priests (sacerdotibus confiteri oporteat) is proven (comprobatur) not only by the authority of James, 'Confess your sins to each other,' etc., but also by many testimonies of others" (Silano 2010, 4:99; Brady 1981, 2:348). Similarly, Hugh of Saint Victor Sacr. 2.14.1.
  • Aquinas ST Suppl. 8.1 also understands James' admonition to refer to priests; arguing that James presupposes Jesus' divine institution of penance when he gave priests, in the person of the apostles, the power to forgive sins (referencing Jn 20:23). ST Suppl. 6.6 adds that the sacrament was promulgated by James (a Iacobo promulgatum), but instituted by God (sed a Deo institutionem habuit). But see ST Suppl. 8.3 (below).
  • Other authors cite Jas 5:16a as a proof-text for the sacrament of penance: Nicholas of Lyra Post. ad loc. (1603, 6:1303); Albert the Great Par. an. 40 (Borgnet 1898, 508).

Confession to One Another

  • Augustine of Hippo Tract. ev. Jo. 58.5 takes this as a general admonition that Christians should pray for one another, and forgive one another's sins, following the example of Christ who humbly washed the feet of the disciples (Hill 2020, 3/13:196; Willems 1954, 475); cf. Augustine of Hippo Ep. 153.10; Bede Hom. ev. 2.5.150.
  • Bede Ep. cath. ad. loc. "However, in this statement there ought to be made this distinction, that we confess our daily and minor sins (cotidiana leuiaque peccata) to another as peers (alterutrum coaequalibus) and believe that we are saved by their daily prayer; in turn, according to the law, let us make known the uncleanness of more serious leprosy to the priest (sacerdoti) and take care to be purified in the manner and for the length of time his judgment has decreed. (Hurst 1985, 62; Hurst 1983, 222); cf. Bede Hom. ev. 2.14.57–61.
  • Martin of León Exp. Jac. ad loc., uses Bede's wording, but concludes that daily and minor sins should be confessed to a priest, and graver sins to an abbot or bishop (abbati, vel episcopo) (PL 209:212). 
  • Glossa ord.: Bede's teaching is quoted in an interlinear gloss (1603, 6:1303–1304).
  • Peter Lombard Sent. 4.17.4(95).7 also quotes Bede's teaching, specifying that Bede refers to a distinction between venial and mortal sins (venialium et mortalium). "Venial sins may be confessed to an equal, but the graver ones to a priest." Venial sins may be confessed to an equal, "even if there is an abundance of priests." He ends by qualifying, "Yet it is safer and more perfect to reveal both kinds of sins to priests and to seek medicinal counsel from those to whom the power of loosing and binding was granted" (Silano 2010, 4:103; Brady 1981, 2:353); cf. Sent. 4.16.1(86).3.
  • Aquinas ST Suppl. 8.3: Referring to the authority of Bede and Peter Lombard, Thomas concludes "a man does not need to confess his venial sins to a priest (non oportet quod venialia aliquis sacerdoti confiteatur)," since a person is not separated from God or from the sacraments by venial sins. Confession to a layperson (confessio laico), nevertheless, "is a sacramental (sacramentale), although it is not a perfect sacrament, and since it proceeds from charity, it has a natural aptitude to remit sins (natum est veniale remitti)" (English Dominicans 1981, 5:2584).
  • Duns Scotus Quaest. Sent. ad 4.17.1 denies that Jas 5:16a refers to the sacrament of penance; it rather encourages lay Christians to confess their sins to one another (Wadding 1894, 518–519).
  • Erasmus Annot. Jac. ad loc. reads paraptômata, which, he argues, should be translated as errors (errata) instead of sins (peccata, as in V); so also Estius Comm. ep. cath. ad loc. (1778, 11:4381). "For he refers to daily offenses (quotidianis offensis) of Christians among themselves, which he wishes to reconcile without delay. Otherwise, if he were referring to confession, which we say is part of the sacrament of penance, he would not have added allêlois, that is, 'to one another,' but rather 'to the priests' (sacerdotibus)" (van Poll-van de Lisdonk 2014, 426).
  • Bonhoeffer Leben ch. 5 sees this passage as giving authority to all Christians to hear and forgive one another's sins. Humble confession to a fellow Christian overcomes the central sin of pride and leads to true fellowship and community. True community is impossible as long as Christians hide their sins from one another. Confession to another helps the Christian to avoid the self-deception that might come from confessing only to God and makes God's forgiveness more concrete (Bloesch and Burtness 1996, 108–118; Müller and Schönherr 1987, 93–102).

Further Views

  • Chalon 33 recognizes that some say that sins ought to be confessed only to God, but others believe they are to be confessed to a priest. It apparently teaches that confession to priests was instituted by James: "according to the institution of the apostle" [quotation of Jas 5:15]. And so confession which is made to God cleanses sins: but that which is made to the priest, teaches us how these same sins are cleansed" (Palmer 1959, 157; Werminghoff 1906, 280). Reproduced in Burchard of Worms Decr. 20.145, with the added gloss that private confession is practiced by the Greeks, but confession to the priest is practiced by the "whole holy Church (tota sancta Ecclesia)" (PL 140:1011).
  • Suarez Disp. 35.1 recognizes that not all theologians are convinced that James refers to priests, but on the authority of Chalon and theologians such as Bonaventure, he judges that the passages "is not to be despised (contemnendum)" (Berton 1861, 22:734).
  • Caesarius of Arles Serm. 67.1–2 applies the passage to the duty of his congregation to pray for those who practice public penance (paenitentia publica), including the wearing of a hairshirt (Mueller 1956, 1:318–320; Morin 1953, 1:286–287); cf. also the more general discussion of the passage in Serm. 59.1 (adapted from Augustine).
  • Estius Comm. ep. cath. ad loc. notes three different interpretations, all of them in some manner probable (aliquo modo probabiles): (1) Christians confessing their sins to those whom they have offended (he compares Mt 5:23–24); (2) Christians confessing venial sins to one another, asking for advice, and praying for one another; (3) reference to sacramental confession to priest (1778, 11:4382–4383).

Reformed Interpretation and Catholic Response

  • Luther Beicht 2 argues that the passage cannot refer to confession to the clergy, since it clearly says, "confess your sins to one another"—meaning that any Christian my hear the confession of another. In particular, it means that a Christian should confess his sin to one whom he has offended (Kruse 1907, 21; WA 8:155–156). Reformed confessions apply the verse to confessing to the person whom one has offended (WCF 15.6; Helv. Conf. II 14.7).
  • Calvin Inst. rel. 3.4.6 insists that this passage contradicts the Roman Catholic sacrament of confession to a priest only. Rather James advises Christians to confess shortcomings to one another, receive mutual advice, and pray for one another (Beveridge 1994, 1:539–540; Baum et al. 1864, 460–461).
  • Eck Ench. 8 holds that James "announces (annuciavit) here the command of God (praeceptum Dei) concerning the confessing of sin" (Fraenkel 1979, 119). Responding to the Protestant argument that the passage refers to confessing sins to one another in general, he admits that James is not precise in naming the one to whom confession is due, but only because Christ had already indicated who should absolve sinners (123–124).
  • Trent Poen. ch. 5 (DzH 1679) references Jas 5:16 in holding that the Lord instituted "complete confession of sins (integram peccatorum confessionem), but for Jesus' institution of the sacrament of penance, it references Jn 20:23 (Trent Poen. ch. 1 [DzH 1670]; see also Trent Poen. ch. 6 [DzH 1684], referencing Mt 18:18 and Jn 20:23, on priests and bishops as ministers of penance).

16c Greatly prevails the prayer of a righteous [man when it is] at work What Makes Prayer Prevail? The passage has drawn many comments on what makes prayer effective.

Encouragement to Pray for the Intercession of the Saints

  • The Orthodox Dositheus Conf. 8 teaches that one should pray for the intercession of the saints since God listens to the righteous rather than to sinners (CCFCT 1:619; Karmires 1968, 2:751); so too Eck Ench. 15 (Fraenkel 1979, 180). See also the application of Jas 5:14–15 to the doctrine of the intercession of the saints: Cassian Coll. 20.8.4.
  • Calvin Comm. Jac. ad loc. "God does not hear the ungodly (impios); nor is access to God open, except through a good conscience: not that our prayers are founded on our own worthiness, but because the heart must be cleansed by faith (fide purgatum cor habere oportet) before we can present ourselves before God" (Owen 1855, 359; Reuss and Erichson 1896, 433).

Jas 5:16 and Luther's Theology of Prayer

  • Luther Tischr. 5565 judges Jas 5:16 as "one of the best verses in that epistle" (LW 54:454; WA TR 5:245). Here he cites Monica's prayers for her son Augustine as an example of effective prayer.
  • The prayer of the righteous can change God's mind. Luther Vorl. Gen. ad Gn 19:21–22 held that God commanded Christians to pray, and he promised to hear their prayers. He thus believes that an earnest prayer can change God's mind. Commenting on Lot's intercession for the town of Zoar, Luther writes, "It was God's will that the city of Zoar should be destroyed together with the others; but because Lot intercedes for it, God changes his will and does what Lot wants (mutat voluntatem Deus, et facit, quod Loth vult)." The text teaches, "Lot's prayer does this; it compels God (ea cogit Deum) not to carry out His wrathful will. God permits it to be broken and does the will of those who fear Him." If one doubts one's own worthiness in prayer, it is ineffective. Thus "you should not look at your unworthiness; you should look at God's command (mandatum Dei) and not debate whether you are worthy or not. But you should hold fast the promise that the Lord wants to do the will of those who fear Him (Dominus velit facere voluntatem timentium se)." Such examples teach that Christians should "pray boldly and with confidence (animose et confidenter oremus). If He does not give what we are asking for, He will nevertheless give something that is better; for prayer cannot be in vain (non enim oratio potest frustra esse), as James too, states, 'The prayer of a righteous man avails much if it is persistent,' that is, earnest and ardent (seria et intenta). For God cannot despise a righteous man and all his works (contemnere iustum et universa opera eius)" (LW 3:290–292; WA 43:83–84).
  • Prayer must be persistent. In his comments on Mt 7:7, Luther Matth. 5–7 ad Mt 7:7–11 cites Jas 5:16 as a motivation to remain persistent in prayer, even when it seems that God's answer is delayed. "For you have his Word, and He will have to say, 'All right, then, you may have what you want'" (LW 21:234; WA 32:493).
  • A prayer of faith is not always bold and confident. Luther Vorl. Gen. ad Gn 43:11–14 refers to Jacob's prayer in Gn 43:14 as an example of "the prayer of faith" (Jas 5:15a) that is not always outwardly bold and confident. "His reliance on the promise is very weak (infirmiter), for he laments and mourns pitifully. But since a spark and the unutterable sobbing (Rom 8:26) of faith still remain, he does not despair (non desperat) but prays." Luther admonishes, "we should accustom ourselves to pray, even though we are weak in faith." He supports this advice with a quotation of Jas 5:13, "Is anyone among you suffering? He should pray…" (LW 7:324–326; WA 44:540–541).

Fervent Prayer Is Effective

  • WCF 21.3 cites this passage in support of its teaching on fervency in prayer (CFCCT 2:632; Carruthers 1937, 130).

The Moral Efforts of the One Praying Make Prayer Effective

  • The Gazan hermits Barsanuphius and John teach that the moral efforts of the one praying (e.g., wrestling with temptation, living a more ascetic life, enduring trials; e.g., Barsanuphius and John Ep. 94, 191, 198) make prayer effective.

Both the One Praying and the One Receiving Prayer Influence Its Effectiveness

  • Origen Fr. 1 Reg. fr. 5 "The Word (logos) shows that even if a prophet and a righteous person pray for one another, [the one praying] is not heard, unless that one [the person prayed for] shows repentance by his works (ergôᵢ deixêᵢ tên metanoian). For in this way "the powerful prayer of a righteous person is made effective" (Jas 5:16) through the [repentance of] the one sinning. In order for the matter to be brought to a conclusion, it is necessary for both to work together, both the prayer of the righteous one, and the work (ergon) of the one repenting (Klostermann 1901, 297).
  • Maximus the Confessor Quaest. Thal. 57.2: Maximus responds to the question, "What is the meaning of 'prevail'" in Jas 5:16c? "I know of two ways in which the "supplication of a righteous man" is "rendered effective." The first is whenever the one praying combines his supplication to God with the keeping of the commandments (meta tôn kat' entolên ergôn), not allowing his supplication to fall from his tongue as mere words and the empty echo of speech, lest it remain inactive (argên) and insubstantial (anupostaton), but rather as active (energon) and living, being animated by the observance of the commandments. For the substance (hupostasis) of prayer and supplication is quite clearly its fulfillment through the virtues…The second way is when the one who needs the prayer of the righteous man undertakes and performs the works of prayer (ta erga tês euchês), that is, when he corrects his former way of life and thereby gives strength to the supplication of the righteous man (tên deêsin ischuran tou dikaiou poioumenos), fortifying it through his own upright manner of life" (Constas 2018, 399–400; Laga and Steel 1990, 2:23–25). Ps.-Andrew Cat. ad loc. quotes Maximus' entire lengthy answer (Albl 2024, 186–189).
  • Ps.-Oecumenius Comm. Jac. ad loc. "The prayer of the righteous prevails, when the one for whom he prays cooperates (sumprattei), through his spiritual suffering (kakôseôs pneumatikês), with the one who prays. For when others pray for us, and we devote ourselves to luxuries (spatalais), to indulgences (anesesi), and to an undisciplined life, we unloosen (ekluomen) by this the intensity (suntonon) of the prayer of the one who is exerting himself for us" (PG 119:508).
  • Palamas Hom. 31.17 comments similarly on Jas 5:16c, "But you must co-operate (dei de kai humas sunergein) with the prayers made on your behalf by changing your way of life, making confession, giving alms, and other works of repentance (dia tôn allôn ergôn tês metanoias)" (Veniamin 2009, 250).

Visual Arts

1:1–5:20 James Depictions of James

Western Catholic Tradition

Depictions of James, the author of the epistle, in paintings, statues, manuscript illustrations, engravings, woodcuts, and embroidery on liturgical vestments are particularly prominent in the Middle Ages. A common consensus of the artists is that the author of the epistle is James the Just, leader of the Jerusalem church; he is typically further identified with James, son of Alphaeus, one of Jesus' Twelve (Mk 3:18), and "James the Less" (Mk 15:40; →Jameses near Jesus). The iconography of James draws particularly on accounts of James recorded in Eusebius of Caesarea Hist. eccl. 2.23 and Jerome Vir. ill. 2, who in turn draw on accounts from Clement of Alexandria and Hegesippus (→Introduction). Several prominent features of these portrayals may be noted:

  • Following the tradition that he was the first bishop of Jerusalem, James is often portrayed anachronistically in bishop's vestments.
  • James is often portrayed holding a fuller's club, alluding to the tradition that James was beaten to death with a such a club. Variations show him holding different types of clubs. Another related tradition shows James holding a bow such as one used by hat-makers of the Middle Ages.
  • James bears a striking physical resemblance to his brother Jesus.
  • One artistic tradition, based on accounts found in the preface to the Glossa ord. and de Voragine Leg. aur., portrays the infant James as part of a large extended family. According to this legend, Anne, mother of the Virgin Mary, had three children named Mary with three different husbands. James and his brothers Joses (Joseph), Simon, and Jude (cf. Mk 6:3) are the sons of Mary (daughter of Anne and Cleophas; cf. Jn 19:25) and Alphaeus (cf. Mk 3:18). James and his brothers are thus cousins of Jesus (son of Mary, daughter of Anne and Joachim) and of John the Evangelist and James the Greater (sons of Mary, daughter of Anne and Salomas).

The following images are noteworthy:

  • A painting of James in the Armenian St. James Cathedral, Jerusalem: James is dressed in episcopal robes, wears a miter, and holds a crozier (Gowler 2014, 54).
  • Blessed James Apostle. In the Stavelot Bible (1093–1097, British Museum Add. MS. 28106–28107) illuminations of the apostle James are at the introduction to the Catholic epistles (f. 197 r→) and at the beginning of his epistle (f. 197 v→). The apostle stands, holding a book.
  • Apostle James the Less, statue, south portal of Chartres Cathedral, early 13th century.

Anonymous, James among Other Apostles (sculpture on limestone, early 13th c.), South Portal, Chartres Cathedral, France

© D.R. Photo Mary Ann Sullivan→ 

James holds a club.

  • Leonardo da Vinci, The Last Supper (1495–1498), Santa Maria delle Grazie, Milan. 

Giampietrino (1495–1549), The Last Supper (oil on canvas, ca. 1520, after Leonardo da Vinci [1452–1519], The Last Supper [1495–1498]), 298 cm x 770 cm

Royal Academy of Arts, London, exhib. Magdalen College, Oxford

Public Domain © Wikicommons→ 

James, who resembles his brother Jesus, is second from his left. This full-scale copy was the main source for the—unfortunate—twenty-year restoration of the original (1978–1998). It includes several lost details such as Christ's feet, the transparent glass decanters on the table, and the floral motifs of the tapestries that decorate the room's interior. It was first mentioned in 1626 by the author Bartolomeo Sanese as hanging in the Certosa di Pavia, a monastery near Pavia, Italy, but it is unlikely that it was intended for this location. At some point, the upper third of the picture was cut off, and the width was reduced. Giampietrino is thought to have worked closely with Leonardo when he was in Milan. A very fine, full-size copy of this painting, before it was cut down, is installed at Tongerlo Abbey in Westerlo, near Antwerp, Belgium. 

  • Lucas Cranach the Elder, The Holy Kinship (1509), a triptych in the Städelsches Kunstinstitut, Frankfurt, Germany. The infant Jesus, his mother Mary, and Mary's mother Anne are portrayed in the center. To the right is Anne's other daughter Mary, her husband Zebedee, and sons John the Evangelist and James the Greater. To the left is another of Anne's daughters named Mary with her husband Alphaeus; their children James, Joses (Joseph), Simon, and Jude are in the left and center panels.

Lucas Cranach the Elder (1472–1553), The Holy Kinship (mixed media on lime, Wittenberg, 1509), Altarpiece, central panel: 100.4 x 121.1 cm; wings: 40 x 120 cm

Städel Museum — 1398, Frankfurt am Main

Public Domain © Wikicommons→

The side and central panels describe a great hall with blue grey walls and three-colored tiles. In the side panels are depicted the half-sisters of the Virgin Mary —called after their fathers Mary Cleophas (left) and Mary Salome (right)—together with their husbands.

Left panel: Mary Cleophas and Alphaeus (with the features of Frederick the Wise) with their two sons, the Apostles James the Less (at her breast) and Joseph Justus, called Barnabas, depicted with a book as annunciator of the Gospel according to Matthew.

Central panel: Joseph, who seems to seems to sleep, the Virgin dressed in blue with yellow lining, Anna and the Christ Child on her knee, who is stretching out his hand towards an apple given to him by the Virgin Mary. Anna's three husbands following de Voragine Leg. aur. are shown in the background in the matroneum: on the left Joachim, who is attracted by the holy women in front of him and whose relation is also shown by the corresponding blue and yellow color of his dress, Cleophas (with the physiognomy and chain of Emperor Maximilian I), and Salomas (with the physiognomy of Sixtus Oelhafen von Schöllenbach, secretary of Frederick III, Maximilian I, and Charles V), who are talking to each other. There is an architectural structure by a great stone bench in the foreground of the central panel with two marble columns on the sides, over which is stretched a cloth of gold. On the right column is a tablet with date and signature: LVCAS CHRONVS FACIEBAT ANNO MDIX (1509). The parapet of the matroneum is decorated by a sculptured frieze with dancing putti holding six escutcheons with the six fields of the electorate of Saxony. In the hall are shown the 17 members of the The Holy Kinship. In the central panel are shown two more children of Mary Cleophas and Alpheus: the Apostles Simon, patron saint of weavers, dyers, tanners, and saddlers, and Jude, who went on mission. They suffered their martyrdom together and therefore are regularly depicted together.

Right panel: Mary Salome and Zebedee (with the features of Frederick III, Elector of Saxony, and his brother Herzog Johann der Beständige). Mary Salome, dressed in gold with dark red lining, is combing her son James the Greater, while John the Evangelist is hiding in her dress.

  • Paolo Veronese (Caliari), James as Bishop (ca. 1578), Burghley House Collection, Lincolnshire, UK. James with crozier and miter, holding a book.

Paolo Veronese (Caliari, 1528–1588), Saint James (oil on canvas, ca. 1578), 200 X 85 cm, one of the volets of the organ of the church of San Jacopo, Murano, Venice — the other is a portrait of St. Augustine.

Burghley House Collection, Lincolnshire, UK, © A Graduate of Pomona→

  • El Greco, Saint James the Less (1610–1614), Museo del Greco, Toledo, Spain. 

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El Greco (Domínikos Theotokópoulos, 1541–1614), Saint James the Less (oil on canvas, 1610–1614), 100 X 80 cm

 Museo de El Greco→ (Toledo, Spain), © Wikicommons

James is shown holding a Bible, symbolizing his status as a scriptural writer, in one hand. James is depicted in the Mannerist style with elongated form and without any of the traditional iconographic symbols

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Niccolò Bambini (1651–1736), The Communion of the Apostle James the Less (oil on canvas, 1722–1723), San Stae, Venice, © Chorus Venezia→ 

The risen Jesus appears to James and breaks bread with him (based on an account recorded in Jerome Vir. ill. 2, said to be drawn from the Gospel according to the Hebrews).

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Angelo de Rossi (1671–1715), James the Less (sculpture on marble, 1705–1711), height 424 cm), Saint John Lateran, Rome, © Wikicommons

James holds a book and club.

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James Tissot (1836–1902), Saint James the Less (opaque watercolor over graphite on gray wove paper, 1886–1894), 30.6 x 23.5 cm, Brooklyn Museum, 00.159.237, New York © Brooklyn Museum photograph, 2008

James, resembling Jesus, prays on his knees with outstretched arms. It perhaps reflects Hegesippus' statement that James spent so much time in prayer that his knees were as hard as a camel's.

Eastern Orthodox Traditions

  • Martyrdom of James the Just, illustration from the Menologion of Basil II (late 10th/early 11th c., PG 117:9–614), Vatican Library, Vat. gr. 1613: image 131→.
  • James the Just, Russian icon, 16th c., Novgorod. James is depicted in episcopal robes and holds a book.

Anonymous, James the Just (pigments on wood, 16th c.), icon, Novgorod

Public Domain © Wikicommons→,

The inscription bearing the name of the saint has disappeared, but the iconography—facial features and beard shape—suggest that the icon is of James. Byzantine art places him among the founding fathers of the Church. As the creator of the first liturgy containing memorial services and the author of the message that speaks of the healing power of prayer (Jas 5:14–16), he was worshipped in ancient times as a healer. In Novgorod, James is prayed for the end of the epidemics. In sacred iconography, the representations of James alone are very rare. On icons he is represented with other saints: James the brother of the Lord, Nicholas the Thaumaturgist, and Ignatius the God-Bearer (end of the 15th c.); James the brother of the Lord, Cosmas, and Damian (2nd quarter of the 16th c.).

For discussion of visual depictions, see Bedford 1911; Gowler 2014, 53–62.